Despite East Timor's terrible experience with human rights abuses in the past, or perhaps because of that itself, the people continue to suffer violations of their basic rights at the hands of the military and the police forces of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste.

Source: Televisaun Timor-Leste 28 May 2008

PNTL human rights violation against people continues to take place

A human rights violation victim, Silvina Assuncão de Jesus yesterday (27/5) reported her case to Committees A and B in the National Parliament. Silvina said the case occurred when the members of the Task Force forced them to leave the place where they were staying. At that time, the members of Task Force destroyed the victim's kiosk, causing here to lose approximately US$200. Ms. Silvina is asking the Government to reimburse her loss.

In a separate matter, Chefe Aldeia of Caicoli, Tomas Jose Goncalves said the Government should inform the local authority in the community before they send the population to live there. "If the Government wants to relocate some part of the population to any place in the community, they have to make an agreement or hold a dialogue with us first so that we can be on the alert and prevent any disturbances. Also, we can know whether those people have their own house or not", explained Tomas.

In response to this case, President of Committee A, Antoninho Bianco said he has instructed the victim to report the incident to the PNTL in order to investigate those members who tortured the population.

"Some of members of the Task Force yesterday tortured a victim in Caicoli. In relation to this, we have directly contacted the PNTL and asked them to gather evidence from the victim to thoroughly investigate all the parties involved.

Also, we have also contacted the Provider of Human Rights and asked them to also gather evidence from the victim, so that if there is no follow-up from PNTL about this case, the Provider of Human Rights can present this case to General Prosecutor to be investigated", confirmed Bianco.
The Commander of Joint Operation Command Filomeno Paixão said the JOC also has taken any measures regarding human rights violations which were allegedly committed by the members of the F-FDTL during its field operations. According to Filomeno, 73 cases have been identified so far - 39 of the cases were committed by F-FDTL and the other 34 were committed by the UN.

For more legal news and information from East Timor, go to East Timor Legal Information Site.

The Commission also received reports that on 27 August, Dadurus Merah Putih and Halilintar militia, in the presence of Indonesian military and police officers, attacked campaigners in the (Maliana, Bobonaro), killing as many as four people: Raul dos Santos, Paulino, Felis Laku and Jaime. A witness to one of the murders recounted:

At that time we were approached by Dadurus Merah Putih militia members named M118 and M119. They were conducting a military operation in Memo. My husband was hiding in the house, but M118 found him. They shot him dead immediately, because they thought my husband was Deker, one of the Falintil Commanders of the Southern Company.

The first time they shot him he didn't die, but he ran until he collapsed in the Uluhati River, and they shot him again.

I took him to the Maliana hospital, where he died on arrival…They burned down our house with everything in it.

On the morning of 5 April, 1999 I was walking from the Social-Political Affairs office in Liquiça to my house when I met my friend Lukas, from Flores, Indonesia. He encouraged me to go home quickly, saying, “I’ve heard that the Besi Merah militia are at the border of Liquiça and Maubara.”

But I decided not to go home. I went instead to a meeting about the Easter youth commemoration in Manatuto. I met with my friends Jacinta, Suzi, and Ermelita. We weren’t sure whether it would be a good idea to participate in the commemoration so we went to ask Father Rafael’s opinion. While we were meeting with Father Rafael, the village head, Jacinto da Costa came and told us that a youth had been killed and others wounded in an attack by the militia and military.

We left Father Rafael’s house early in the afternoon. When I got home I went to see Aquilina to get some more information. Aquelina lives close to the Welcome sign in Liquiça. As soon as I got to her house I heard more shooting, coming from the direction of Pukalaran. I went straight home and found that my family had already fled to the church in Liquiça. I joined them there. There were many people hiding in the church including people from the villages of Dotasi, Guilu, Leopa and Upper and Lower Caimeo.

In the afternoon the militia and the military looted and burnt down the houses of the Sub-district administrator, João Bosco, and Agustinho. For the two days that we were in the church we did not do anything else but pray. At night we couldn’t sleep, and outside the church the militia were harrassing us with threats and foul language.

At 9.00am on 6 April Eurico Guterres, the Aitarak milita commander, and his men came to the church office in Liquiça to talk with Father Rafael and Father José. We heard that during that meeting Eurico Guterres said he was going to make a request of the district administrator, Leoneto Martins. Eurico said that if Leoneto met the militia’s demands the militia would let the people go home safely. But Eurico’s meeting with Leoneto did not produce that guarantee.

Initially Mobile Brigade police came to the church as if to rescue the people. In fact, Brimob were the ones who started the shooting. Around 1.00pm, the Besi Merah militia along with the police and the military attacked the church. They fired shots into the air to give the signal to the militia to enter the church, and then they started shooting the people. Wearing masks that covered their faces the militia and the military then attacked with axes, swords, knives, bombs and guns. The police shot my older brother, Felix, and the militia slashed up my cousins, Domingos, Emilio, and an eight-month old baby.

Because Brimob and the military were slaughtering people who had been hiding in the priest’s office, everyone started running out of the church trying to find places to hide and to save themselves. I left with Emilio’s wife and we went to the Convent. As we left I saw Miguel was still alive, but Loidahar and someone else from Maubara were lying dead near the church bell.

The militia, police and military had prepared a truck to carry people to the district administrator’s house. When we arrived the militia continued their actions and continued beating and stabbing civilians. Several people died at the district administrator’s house. Luckily there was a nurse there who attended to the wounded. After about three hours Agustinho, a civil servant in Maubara, made an announcement to the people, saying, “Go home and raise the Indonesian flag. And tie it to your right hand to show that we are all people who are prepared to die for this flag.”

One week after the massacre a TNI soldier from the eastern sector, called Pedro, told me that the military from Kodim were also involved. I heard that the bodies of those who died were taken in a truck, but I don’t know where they were taken.


http://www.cavr-timorleste.org/chegaFiles/finalReportEng/07.2-Unlawful-Killings-and-Enforced-Disappearances.pdf

Although this blog is principally dedicated to the 1999 human rights abuses and crimes against humanity committed in East Timor in 1999, the Santa Cruz massacre on 12 November 1991 can not be left out of any accounts of human rights abuses in East Timor and so the following entry has been included. Some 270 people were murdered by the Indonesian state on this very dark day in Dili.

Journalist Allan Nairn was at the Santa Cruz Cemetery when Indonesian soldiers attacked. He was beaten with the butts of M-16 rifles and had his skull fractured in the melee. This is an excerpt from his testimony before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on 17 February 1992.

On 12 November 1991, while in East Timor on assignment for the New Yorker magazine, I witnessed and survived the massacre at the Santa Cruz cemetery. When I returned to East Timor in October of this past year, the air of terror was more intense [than during my previous visits] and the repression was greater still. The Indonesian army was sweeping through villages and towns rounding up Timorese who, the army suspected, might be preparing to talk to a UN-sponsored delegation that was due to arrive from the parliament of Portugal.

The Indonesians were holding hundreds of meetings across the country, warning that those who spoke to the delegation would be killed. Bishop Belo told me that the army was saying that it would find the families of Timorese who tried to speak or demonstrate and hunt them down and kill them "to the seventh generation." The bishop said he thought that the army's threats were credible and that if the Timorese did try to speak out in public, the army would respond with massacres as soon as the delegation left.

As it happened, the delegation never arrived in East Timor, but the army staged a massacre anyway. Within days after the postponement of the visit was announced, the army stormed the seaside church of San Antonio de Motael. I arrived in Dili a few hours after the attack, and later spoke with numerous eyewitnesses. During the attack, the soldiers seized a young man named Sebastiao Gomes.

They executed him at point-blank range with a pistol shot to the gut. Gomes was one of a number of young men who had sought sanctuary in the church. He had been hunted by the army during the pre-delegation sweeps. Gomes's funeral attracted a crowd of more than a thousand people. The Timorese were clearly shaken by this attack on their flagship church.

The two-week commemoration of Gomes's death [culminated] on Nov. 12. [The day] began with the traditional morning mass at the Motael and continued with a procession to lay flowers on Gomes's grave.

It should be noted that the Catholic Church is the only Timorese institution. All others have been obliterated on orders of the army high command. There are no Timorese unions or press, peasant leagues, political parties, or student groups. Their leaders have been executed and their existence banned. Timorese have been jailed and tortured for reading newspapers from overseas or attempting to listen on shortwave to Radio Australia or the BBC. Social organization can only take place under the army's control. Public speech and assembly are prohibited by army fiat. This means that the civic life of the East Timorese must be conducted underground.

Gomes's funeral was a breakthrough event because people turned out and dared to speak. Some held up their hands in the sign of the "V" and shouted "Viva East Timor." The commemorative procession on November 12 was even larger and more outspoken. As the mass broke up, people assembled on the street. The army intelligence chief drove by. Along the route of march there were soldiers and police, who carefully eyed the passing Timorese. This time a number of people were carrying hand-lettered banners supporting the church and the cause of Timorese independence.

The banners said things like "Indonesia, Why You Shoot Our Church?" One was a plea addressed to "President Busch." There were young men, young women, children in Catholic school uniforms, and old people in traditional Timorese dress.

As the procession wound through Dili, many other people joined; they came from schools and offices and huts along the road. Sometimes young boys would break into a jog and older men would rein them in shouting "Disciplina! Disciplina!" People were chanting and giving the "V" sign and talking among themselves. By the time [the procession] reached the cemetery, the crowd had grown quite large.

There were perhaps 3,000 to 5,000 people. Some filed in toward Sebastiao's grave, and many others remained outside, hemmed in on the street by cemetery walls. People were, at that point, standing around, talking excitedly among themselves, when, suddenly, someone noticed that one of the exit routes had been sealed off by an Indonesian troop truck.

Then, looking to our right we saw, coming down the road, a long, slowly marching column of uniformed troops. They were dressed in dark brown, moving in disciplined formation, and they held M-16s before them as they marched. As the column kept advancing, seemingly without end, people gasped and began to shuffle back. I went with Amy Goodman of WBAI/Pacifica radio and stood on the corner between the soldiers and the Timorese. We thought that if the Indonesian forces saw that foreigners were there, they would hold back and not attack the crowd.

But as we stood there, watching as the soldiers marched into our face, the inconceivable began to happen. The soldiers rounded the corner, never breaking stride, raised their rifles, and fired in unison into the crowd. Timorese were back-pedalling, gasping, trying to flee, but in seconds they were cut down by the hail of fire. People fell, stunned and shivering, bleeding in the road, and the Indonesian soldiers kept on shooting. I saw the soldiers aiming and shooting people in the back, leaping bodies to hunt down those who were still standing. They executed schoolgirls, young men, old Timorese; the street was wet with blood, and the bodies were everywhere.

As the soldiers were doing this, they were beating me and Amy [Goodman]; they took our cameras and our tape recorders and grabbed Amy by the hair and punched and kicked her in the face and in the stomach. When I put my body over her, they focused on my head. They fractured my skull with the butts of their M-16s.

The soldiers put us on the pavement and trained their rifles at our heads. They were shouting, "Politik! Politik!" We were shouting back, "America! America!," and I think that may have been the thing that saved us. They had taken my passport earlier but Amy showed them hers, and the soldiers seemed impressed when they realized that we were indeed from the States. We were, after all, citizens of the country that supplied them with M-16s. For whatever reason, the soldiers chose to let us live. We hopped a passing truck and got away. The soldiers were still firing as we left the scene, some five to ten minutes after the massacre began.

This was, purely and simply, a deliberate mass murder, a massacre of unarmed, defenceless people. There was no provocation, no stones were thrown, the crowd was quiet and shrinking back as the shooting began. There was no confrontation, no hothead who got out of hand. This was not an ambiguous situation that somehow spiralled out of control. The soldiers simply marched up in a disciplined, controlled way and began to fire massively on the crowd.

It was quite evident from the way the soldiers behaved that they had marched up with orders to commit a massacre. They never issued a warning; they did not even pause or break their stride. They marched up and opened fire in unison. This action was not the result of their interaction with the crowd: The Timorese were just standing there or trying to get away. The soldiers opened fire as soon as their column turned the corner and got within a dozen yards of the Timorese.

After the Timorese had been gunned down, the army sealed off the area. They turned away religious people who came to administer first aid. They let the Timorese bleed to death on the road.

http://www.motherjones.com/news/special_reports/east_timor/evidence/nairn.html

Rafael's story

"Rafael" (not his real name) is an 18-year-old student who was attending high school in Dili before the independence ballot. During the period leading up to the ballot, Rafael witnessed a Brimob police officer assault a journalist -- whom he describes as "Chinese or Japanese" -- who had been filming another Brimob police officer allegedly killing a pro-independence youth. "Suddenly [the] Brimob policeman grabbed the journalist from behind, put one hand over his mouth, threw him in the ditch on the side of the road and jumped up and down on his back."

On the night of the 3 September 1999 Rafael and his family heard that the result of the ballot would be announced the next day. Nervous of what might happen, his parents, brothers and sisters went to the UNAMET compound, but since "it was already dark and I did not have time" Rafael went instead to a Church, where a number of other refugees had also gathered. Early the next day Rafael and about 15 young men climbed a nearby hill, where they had a good view of the church and the school and seminary next door.

"The Aitarak militias, the army -- although dressed in Aitarak uniform, I recognised some of them as BTT [Territorial Battalion] soldiers from my area -- and Brimob police in uniform arrived at the church with two big army trucks. They tried to get the refugees out of the church, but the refugees refused. Then they threw a grenade into the Portuguese headquarters [of the election observers delegation] which was further along, to frighten them... I saw that the Brimob police and Aitarak militia had guns and were poking the refugees with them to force them onto the truck.

People were screaming and were very upset They filled up the two trucks with people and took them in the direction of Comoro... The same thing happened at the seminary and school. Two trucks came. The Brimob and Aitarak and BTT pretending to be Aitarak, attacked the compound, forced people out at gun point and then loaded them into trucks. The priests, seminarians and the choir boys were all treated the same way. Those who refused to move were kicked and beaten."

At this point, Rafael and his group came under fire: "Two bullets hit the earth very close, just in front of where I was lying. The bullets came from the direction of the Portuguese compound." The youths fled, pursued for a short while by "about 15 soldiers", according to Rafael. Eluding them, Rafael continued on his way.

One day while he was in the Dili area (Rafael cannot remember the exact date), hiding among some coffee trees with a group of refugees, Rafael says he witnessed the killing of a woman by Indonesian soldiers. He saw two cars arriving filled with what he believes were Kopassus (Special Forces Command) troops. "There must have been others as well because I looked out from the coffee trees and I could see many red berets," he says.

"The moment they saw the Kopassus the refugees panicked and started running. The Kopassus troops ran into the trees, fanned out and then started shooting at us. I was running away when I saw an older woman hit by a bullet in her head. She was standing next to her husband who cannot walk and was in a wheel chair. She was looking after him as she always did.

When the bullet hit her she fell and her head fell directly into her husband's lap. It was very sad and he was so shocked. She died instantly. She was the mother of five. She was known as Lita and her husband was known as Tilo. They originally lived in Bemori but had fled to Dare when the situation became too bad. There was another elderly lady who was so shocked by the shooting that she fell onto a rock and suffered a head wound. I do not know if any others were injured."

After the shooting incident, Rafael sought refuge in the UNAMET compound in Dili, crawling in through a hole in the wire of the UNAMET fence. There he was reunited with his family. They spent a further three days inside the compound before being evacuated to Australia. His memory of the trip to the airport was of "sitting in an army truck with TNI [Indonesian National Army] soldiers all around us. There was a little boy crying and crying."

Of his future plans, he commented: "I arrived in Australia on Wednesday 15 September 1999. In the future I want to continue my studies. I do not care where, but I want to study. If given a free choice, I would probably want to study in Australia -- because many of the schools and the university in Dili have been destroyed -- but then I would like to return to East Timor and live in freedom. I am not sure if there is any hope for the future, but I feel that if I could study, I might begin to feel that the future exists."















On August 26, 1999, four days before East Timor was to vote on its independence from Indonesia, violence broke out between the feared militia, the black-clothed Aitarak, and pro-independence supporters in the capital Dili.

For two hours the militia attacked independence supporters with M16 rifles, homemade grenades and pistols. Finally Indonesian police arrived, even though their headquarters were just down the road. People under attack begged the police to do something to stop the militia.

One victim, Joaquim Bernardino Guterres, implored the police to help, but they told him and other independence supporters to just leave the premises. After Guterres wouldn't stop begging for help, the police turned against him--not the militia.

Barefoot and armed only with two rocks, Guterres was beaten by the police before he broke free and ran.

But 10 seconds later it was over.

Guterres lay shot dead at the hands of an Indonesian police officer.


Warning! These images show extreme violence. Clicking the 'Photographs' link will take you to the Time web site where there is also a comment by the photographer about the moment he took these blood-chilling photographs.

Photographs by John Stanmeyer/Saba for TIME

An East Timorese eyewitness to this killing give his testimony to the East Timor Reception, Truth & Reconciliation Commission:

Suddenly I saw Bernadinho running from the bridge towards us. He passed in front of us. Spontaneously I shouted: “Bedinho [Bernadino], watch out!” Many policemen were running after him. Two policemen were already preparing to shoot. One policeman on the left side near the Virgo shop shot in the air, and the other on the right side near the Saint Charity Convent shot directly at Bernadino. It was about eight metres from the spot where I was standing.

The policeman shot Bernadino from behind. I don’t know which part of his body he hit, but Bernadino instantly fell on the ground. A lot of blood spilt on the street. His arms and legs were moving for about five minutes, and then the movements stopped.

http://www.cavr-timorleste.org/chegaFiles/finalReportEng/07.2-Unlawful-Killings-and-Enforced-Disappearances.pdf

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